Why was Zubatat dismissed? Sergey Vasilievich Zubatov. Transition to the Secret Service

Could such an active and enterprising person lead a measured and quiet life in Zamoskvorechye, remaining on the sidelines when the country was literally engulfed in the flames of revolution? A staunch supporter, or rather, initiator of the policy of “police socialism,” throughout his professional career he looked for ways to peacefully resolve conflict situations of a political nature. He hoped to the end that the monarchical government in the person of Nicholas II would be able to save Russia from a terrible catastrophe, keep it on the edge of the abyss, and save the country from unnecessary bloodshed. As a true patriot of his fatherland, he understood the consequences of the abdication of the emperor from the throne. His life, subordinated to the interests of his homeland, in this case lost all meaning.

Sergei Vasilyevich Zubatov was born into the family of a chief officer, which determined his future fate. At a young age, he participated in various illegal People's Will circles. Sergei's father, in order to pull him out from under the harmful influence, ensured that the boy was expelled from the 6th grade. Apparently, these measures were timely, since Sergei Zubatov later joined the secret political police. Before that, he managed to work both in the library and in the telegraph office, but working in the secret police was truly his calling. Since 1886, he has been a secret employee of the Moscow Security Department; then, five years later, he became an official on behalf of the same department; from 1894, Zubatov was assistant chief, and two years later - chief.

Zubatov, at his own peril and risk, created a whole network of legal workers' organizations, for which he became famous. But his ideas did not meet with approval among revolutionaries, industrialists and nobility, or the imperial court. Nevertheless, workers' organizations existed throughout the country, and the main centers were in Moscow, St. Petersburg, Kiev, Kharkov, Yekaterinoslavl, Nikolaev, Perm, Minsk, Odessa and other cities Russian Empire.

On Zubatov’s initiative, so-called committees were created at many enterprises, which dealt with solving various labor disputes and workers’ problems peacefully, and not through terror. In fact, it was from these committees that the trade union movement arose in Russia. The brilliant detective hoped that an organized legal economic movement of workers would be useful both to themselves and to the state. He believed that in this way it would be possible to save the workers from the destructive influence of the revolutionaries.

In Moscow, in mechanical production in 1901, under the control of Zubatov, the first such organization was created - the Mutual Aid Society. Then the Council of Mechanical Workers of Moscow, the Textile Workers Mutual Aid Society, the Independent Jewish Party and many others appeared. In left-wing literature, this activity of the head of the Moscow security department was called nothing less than “the policy of police socialism” or, more simply, “Zubatovism.” But it was under Zubatov that the security department gained high national authority.

In 1902, Sergei Vasilyevich was appointed head of the Special Department of the Police Department. On February 19, 1902, he managed to organize a workers’ demonstration of many thousands in honor of the opening of the monument to Alexander II. This was some proof of the correctness of Zubatov’s actions and showed that his initiatives were recognized both by the authorities and by liberal-minded figures.

Alas, in the fall of 1903, by personal order of the Minister of Internal Affairs V.K. Pleve, Zubatov was dismissed. He was exiled to Vladimir with the rank of court councilor. The fact is that many factory owners were extremely dissatisfied with the “trade union” activities of Sergei Vasilyevich and tried to organize an entire campaign against him at the top. Although the official reason for the resignation of the talented head of the secret police was based on the fact that, they say, his agents participated in workers’ protests. Among other things, they took part in the general strike of 1903. After Zubatov was removed from his position, almost all of the workers' organizations he created were closed. True, in 1904, after the death of Plehve, Zubatov was “forgiven” and even given a pension for his past services, but Sergei Vasilyevich never returned to service.

Even during his lifetime, legends were formed about him, his apt remarks and phrases became public property and were passed on from mouth to mouth, sometimes as anecdotes, and sometimes... For example, he once called the Socialist-Revolutionaries “sentimental beasts,” which, naturally, the Socialist-Revolutionaries themselves did not like, but since then many have called them that way. Zubatov called secret state security officers briefly - “sexot”. He always remained on top and did not lose his sense of humor. Sergei Vasilyevich's fatherly care for the agents of the Moscow Security Branch has become legendary.

“You, gentlemen, should look at a secret employee as if he were a beloved woman with whom you are in an illegal relationship. Take care of her like the apple of your eye. One careless step of yours and you will disgrace her. Remember this, treat these people as I advise you, and they will understand you, trust you and work with you honestly and selflessly. Drive the little people away, these are not workers, these are corrupt skins. You can't work with them. Never tell anyone the name of your employee, not even your superiors. Forget his real name and remember him only by his pseudonym. Remember that in the work of an employee, no matter how useful he is to you and no matter how honestly he works, there will always, sooner or later, come a moment of mental turning point. Don't miss this moment. This is the moment when you must part ways with your employee. He can't work anymore. It's hard for him. Let him go. Break up with him. Take him carefully out of the circle, get him a legal job, get him a pension, do everything humanly possible to thank him and say goodbye to him on good terms. Remember that, having stopped working... having become a peaceful member of society, he will continue to be useful to the state, although not an employee; will be useful in a new position. You lose an employee, but you gain a friend for the government in society, the right person for the state."

Historian Leonid Petrenko considered Zubatov the smartest and most worthy citizen of Russia: “The method of undercover provocation he developed in the fight against underworld is now widely used by law enforcement agencies around the world. By virtue of their official duties, knowing about the persistent preparation by international terrorist organizations of a revolutionary explosion in Russian state, Zubatov made a brilliant attempt to avoid a terrible catastrophe for the peoples of Russia. Why destroy a thousand-year-old state, shed streams of blood, if only some redistribution of national wealth is required? A legal, peaceful labor movement is being organized, what is now called trade unions. At the same time, using official and personal authority, relying on the support of Stolypin, Zubatov persuades employers: “Make concessions so as not to lose everything!” The first bridle is being put on wild Russian capitalism.”

Further, Petrenko quite dramatically described the story of the fall of the detective genius: “The business was so successful that even the arsonists of the fuse of the Russian bomb of rebellion - the Bolshevik agitators - were expelled by the workers themselves from their meetings. And here is the monstrous provocation of January 9, 1905 - a peaceful march of workers' unions with a petition to bow to the Tsar-Father. In distant Geneva, Lenin writes at this time: “The heart is compressed with fear of the unknown, whether we will be able to take the movement into our own hands, at least after some time. The situation is extremely serious." On January 8, the Bolsheviks issued a leaflet in St. Petersburg: “To all St. Petersburg workers” with a call to arms: “Freedom is bought with blood, freedom is won with arms in hand, in fierce battles. “Do not ask the tsar, but throw him off the throne and drive out the entire autocratic gang with him - only then will the dawn of freedom light up.” To call for blood and for a not very clear freedom, you need, at a minimum, blood itself. And blood was shed."

Columns of thousands of workers filled Palace Square, and at that moment shots rang out. Bolshevik militants, skillfully hiding in the branches of trees growing nearby, fired into the crowd of people gathered in the square. The victims were innumerable; the first to fall were the Cossacks and the soldiers of the military cordon. Panic began, someone gave an order, and then a mad shooting and dispersal of innocent citizens began. “And then, like jack-in-the-box,” wrote Petrenko, “provocateurs and agitators appeared shouting: “They’re beating our people!” Rob the loot!’” This is how the first Russian revolution of 1905 began.

Militants of the Socialist Revolutionary Party captured and then executed the leader of the first Russian trade unions, priest Georgy Gapon. He was branded with the shameful name of a provocateur, and in Soviet political mythology the legend of the “priest provocateur” occupies one of the “most worthy” places.

On March 15, 1917, during lunch, Zubatov received news of a coup d'etat, the overthrow of the emperor. He went into the next room and shot himself.

According to historian Petrenko, Zubatov was afraid of the revenge of his opponents. Perhaps it was this fear, as well as deep despair - after all, all his good undertakings did not lead to the desired results - that forced Sergei Vasilyevich to make a fatal decision. Nevertheless, Zubatov’s remarkable experience was not forgotten: to this day, trade unions are widely used throughout the world as a means of salvation from social upheaval. So we can say with complete confidence that his methods led to the prosperity of individual states.

S. V. Zubatov (1863-1917) is a bright and very interesting figure in the Russian system of administrative and public administration. His project of “police socialism” is very noteworthy.

Sergei Vasilyevich Zubatov was born in Moscow in 1863. While studying in the sixth grade of a gymnasium, he became involved in the work of a circle of radical youth. I had to leave the gymnasium. Boys and girls gathered at Zubatov’s apartment, and after his marriage to A.N. Mikhina, in the premises of her library, known throughout Moscow. Those who knew Zubatov at that period of his life spoke of him as a smart, intelligent, energetic, selfless and charming person.

Zubatov’s fascination with radical ideas coincided with the period of the highest rise in the activity of “Narodnaya Volya” and, following it, the dark time of Degaevism, the time of “incest” of revolutionaries with the police, when party members died from the denunciations of traitors, when the genie of provocation released by Sudeikin settled everywhere, and people lost trust in loved ones and friends. The head of one of the Narodnaya Volya circles, M.R. Gots, later one of the founders of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party, recalled: “It was generally a terrible time. The People’s Will, bleeding to death, undoubtedly walked with rapid steps towards its final disintegration, but this was not yet entered the consciousness of the active revolutionaries. It seemed to them that the whole point was only in a new concentration of forces with the old organizational principles and tactical methods. However, the forces became less and less, and along with the enormous failures of 84, a terrible destructive work was carried out, which originated from the “Degayevshchina” demoralization in the revolutionary ranks. ...I remember they told me in 1985 that Zubatov was summoned by the head of the Moscow secret police N.S. Berdyaev, who suggested that he either become a spy or be expelled from Moscow. Zubatov said that with indignation rejected the offer, but in fact, most likely, it was then that he began his valiant service.”

Zubatov was summoned to the Okhrana on June 13, 1886, and he agreed to cooperate without hesitation. Zubatov called the period from his visit to the Okhrana to the exposure, the time of his provocative activities, “counter-conspiracy.” He really didn’t want to utter such words in relation to himself as “agent”, “spy”, or more precisely, “provocateur”. Mikhina's library, around which radical youth grouped, turned into a nest of provocation. Zubatov agitated those newly coming to join revolutionary circles, with the help of the Moscow Security Department he provided underground printing houses with equipment and fonts, wrote proclamations, tried to penetrate the People's Will circles scattered throughout Russia, collected the necessary information about party members and transferred them to the Okhrana.

On October 24, 1886, through the efforts of Zubatov, members of the Gots circle M.I. Fondamipsky, who died in Irkutsk in 1896, and O.G. Rubinok, who went crazy from idbionia and soon died, were put behind bars. Gotz was luckier; he died in 1906 on the operating table of a Berlin hospital.

On February 5, 1887, the police arrested sixteen-year-old Leonid Menytsikov, later a senior official in the Police Department, who went over to the side of the revolutionaries. In 1911, while in exile, he published open letter Minister of Internal Affairs Stolypin, where, recalling his arrest, he wrote: “From the very beginning of my time in prison, a suspicion crept into my soul that I had become a victim of denunciation. My guess was confirmed. Very soon it became clear that I and many others were arrested due to the betrayal of one young man. You should know the name of this gentleman; the ministry, of which you are listed as the head, now pays him 5,000 rubles of annual rent. It was S.V. Zubatov." On May 2, 1887, Moscow police arrested about two hundred young people. This grandiose raid was carried out not without the help of Zubatov. Two hundred crippled lives and thousands of victims ahead. Thus began the career of Zubatov, a rising star in the police firmament of the Russian Empire. In 1887, he was exposed by the Narodnaya Volya members, and he moved to the legal position of an official of the Moscow Security Department.

Thanks to his extraordinary abilities and selfless devotion to his favorite work, Zubatov quickly took the position of assistant chief of the Okhrana, and from 1896 - chief. The high school dropout turned out to be much smarter and more educated than his colleagues. Despite his daily busyness, he read a lot of specialized, general educational and revolutionary literature published in Russia and beyond. He found himself in political investigation. Security turned out to be his element.

Gendarmerie Colonel P.P. Zavarzin, a colleague and follower of Zubatov, wrote about him: “Zubatov was one of the few government agents who knew the revolutionary movement and search techniques. At that time, the political search in the empire was so weak that many officials did not were familiar with the most elementary techniques of the work that they carried out, not to mention the lack of ability to understand party programs and political doctrines.Zubatov was the first to set up a search in the empire on the Western European model, introducing systematic registration, photographing, conspiracy of internal agents, etc. ". Zubatov had an excellent knowledge of the revolutionary movement of the decline of populism; he was less well versed in the intricacies of the revolutionary movement of a later period. As for political investigation, he should be recognized as a master in it.

After the defeat of populism and the emergence of the Social Democrats, Zubatov realized that it was time to change the methods of fighting the revolutionary movement. He read theoretical works, including Marx, studied the practice of revolutionary struggle, analyzed: “The working class is a collective of such power that the revolutionaries did not have as a means of combat either during the time of the Decembrists, or during the period of going to the people, or at the moments of mass student uprisings. Its purely quantitative magnitude was aggravated in its significance by the fact that all the technology of the country was in his hands, and he, increasingly united by the process of production itself, relied below on the peasantry, to whose sons he belonged; above, in need of the required knowledge in his specialty, "necessarily came into contact with the intelligent layer of the population. Being enraged by socialist propaganda and revolutionary agitation towards the destruction of the existing state and social system, this collective could inevitably turn out to be a serious threat to the existing order of things."

Zubatov, it seemed to him, had found a brilliant solution to distract the working class from the desire to destroy the existing political system. His plan was distinguished by enviable simplicity: he proposed to oust revolutionaries from the working environment and replace them with government agents, and political struggle with economic struggle. Zubatov believed that in order to achieve this goal, it was enough to use the funds of the Police Department to create a network of legal workers' organizations that resembled Western European trade unions and appoint their leaders to them - people devoted to the monarchical system. Zubatov hoped to achieve opposite results using seemingly similar methods. In April 1898, he outlined his thoughts in a note addressed to the Chief of Police of Moscow, D.F. Trepov, who immediately reported its contents to the Governor-General, Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich. Having received the approval and support of the Moscow authorities, Zubatov began to act.

Apart from the individuals named, almost no one sympathized with Zubatov, but the patronage of V. K. Sergei Alexandrovich and Trepov allowed him to realize his plans in Moscow, Minsk, Odessa and later in St. Petersburg. The first results seemed tempting, and in October 1902 Zubatov was appointed head of the Special Section of the Police Department - the head of the political investigation of the empire. Following him in the capital's police institutions were his former subordinates in the Moscow Security Department L.P. Menshikov, E.P. Mednikov, A.I. Spiridovich and others. During his time at the Police Department, Zubatov managed to carry out major changes in political investigation. He introduced new methods of surveillance and registration, and covered Russia with a dense network of Security departments, headed by young gendarmerie officers. “With the appearance of these individuals,” recalled one of the former officials of the Police Department, “all views on the revolutionary movement and, in particular, on methods of struggle, completely changed: the slogan was proclaimed that all undercover business comes down to buying and selling, and that the goal justifies all means, even if not completely clean; a system of exceptional rewards has been created for the discovery of sensational cases, such as secret printing houses, bomb warehouses, etc., which inevitably prompted the search authorities to artificially organize brilliant cases, with the help of which it is possible will make a dizzying career."

The system of exceptional awards existed before Zubatov. For some reason, the top administration did not understand that it thereby contributed not to the detection of crimes, but to the creation of the appearance of vigorous activity, the development and expansion of police provocation. The system of exceptional awards in law enforcement agencies existed in 1930-1980, when it was necessary to establish a process of extermination of people on an unprecedented scale, and it operated more effectively than under Zubatov.

The move to the capital was the end of Zubatov’s police career. Unexpectedly, he was removed from office and on August 20, 1903, he was exiled to Moscow, from there to Vladimir under the open supervision of the police with a ban on entry into the capital.

There are several reasons for Zubatov's fall. He was smarter and more obstinate than allowed by the Police Department, and angered many major officials with unusual changes, including the Minister of Internal Affairs V.K. Plehve. Plehve believed that the revolutionary proletariat of the early 20th century. it is possible to apply methods of struggle that proved effective in the 1880s against a handful of selfless Narodnaya Volya members, and therefore gradually turned into an ideological opponent of Zubatov. Zubatov's methods of work were too subtle for him. Zubatov understood that sooner or later Plehve would want to get rid of him, and decided to try to get ahead of events. He sought the protection of the Minister of Finance S. Yu. Witte, Plehve’s enemy, and tried to win him over to his side. Plehve was informed about the intrigue started by Zubatov. Retribution followed with lightning speed and in an extremely rude form.

After the murder of Plehve, the disgraced Zubatov was summoned to St. Petersburg in the fall of 1904 for an explanation, he was rehabilitated, given a pension, public supervision was removed, but he was not invited to serve. By the time Zubatov was dismissed from the Police Department, his ideas had already been defeated in practice. He underestimated the wisdom of the people. When it came to his vital interests, he precisely formulated his demands and did not follow false guides - police agents. Workers used organizations created and financed by the government for their own purposes. Then the economic struggle against a specific owner-exploiter, which was the basis of the Zubatov organizations, developed into a political struggle against monarchical rule, and the false guides either disappeared or went over to the side of the fighting people. The worst enemies of the Zubatov organizations are capitalists, accustomed to seeing the worker as a dumb appendage production process, did not want to enter into an agreement with the Police Department and contributed more than others to the collapse of the Zubatovism.

In 1905, while Witte remained in power, and passions around Zubatov’s innovations had subsided somewhat, he was offered to return to serve in the Ministry of Internal Affairs, but after an insulting expulsion, he did not want to put on the uniform of a court councilor again. Zubatov lived as a recluse in Vladimir, read a lot, analyzed the results of the implementation of his inventions, but did not change his views. Having moved to Moscow, he collaborated for some time in the extremely reactionary newspaper Citizen. It was edited and published by Prince. V.P. Meshchersky, who formed a triumvirate with Witte and Zubatov, opposed to Plehve. Zubatov made other attempts to engage in literary work, but to no avail. Those for whom he wrote considered his works boring and abstruse. Today's reader would read them with interest and benefit. The persistence and consistency of the idea of ​​monarchical governance in combination with “police socialism” cannot be denied to him.

Confirmation of what has been said can be found in Zubatov’s correspondence with the historian of the revolutionary movement, editor of the magazine “Byloe” V.L. Burtsev. Thus, in a letter dated March 21, 1908 from Vladimir, he informed his correspondent in Paris: “I am an original monarchist, in my own way and therefore deeply religious. Now the idea of ​​a pure monarchy is experiencing a deep crisis. It is clear that this drama resonates with my entire being ; I experience it with inner trembling. I ardently defended this idea in practice. I am ready to wither over it, to rot with it..." From Zubatov’s letters one can understand why he allowed himself to be easily recruited into the Okhrana. His connection with the radicals began during the period of revolutionary upsurge. During the years of reaction, he became bitter against those with whom he attended revolutionary circles; he realized that fighting the government was not for him. Unlike other defectors, Zubatov did not seek wealth and rank.

In early March 1917, upon learning of the abdication of Nicholas II from the throne, Zubatov shot himself. He began his police career as a provocateur and developed his own unusual type of provocation.

Zubatov Sergei Vasilievich (1864-1917) - organizer of political investigation in Russia in the late 19th - early 20th centuries, creator and inspirer of the policy of “police socialism”. In his youth, Z. took part in the work of illegal student circles. Having come into contact with the police, since the mid-80s. 19th century played the role of a paid informant, in 1888 he officially joined the Moscow Security Department. Z.'s career developed very successfully, and soon he headed the Moscow Security Department. He managed to significantly increase the efficiency of the secret police, placing its organization on the model of Western Europe. In 1894, at the Moscow Security Department, he created a “flying detachment” of spies, which played a major role in the defeat of a number of Social Democratic organizations. The development of the labor movement in Russia led Z. to the idea that repressive measures alone were insufficient to combat it. At the end of the 90s. 19th century Z. becomes the initiator of politics, police socialism - the creation of workers' organizations under the auspices of the police in order to distract the proletariat from the political struggle. Using the support of the Moscow chief of police D.F. Trepov and the Moscow governor general, Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich, Zubatov received ample opportunities to implement his plans. In 1902 in Moscow, under police control, the “Society of Workers Engaged in Mechanical Production” was created. Similar organizations were created on the initiative of Z. and in other cities of Russia. His activities aroused discontent among the Moscow bourgeoisie, who accused him of pitting workers against entrepreneurs. The Ministry of Finance, headed by S. Yu. Witte, also had a negative attitude towards Z.’s “experiments”. In 1902 Z. was transferred to St. Petersburg, where he received the post of chief. security branches of the Police Department. Having met with the support of the then Minister of Internal Affairs V.K. Plehve, Z. received a wide opportunity to pursue the policy of “police socialism” on a nationwide scale. The failure of this policy, which was revealed during the general strike in the south of Russia in the summer of 1903, and Z.’s participation in secret intrigues against Plehve ultimately led to the collapse of Z.’s career. In 1903, he was dismissed from service without a pension (appointed only after the murder of Plehve in 1904) and exiled under police supervision. He lived in Vladimir, sometimes writing articles in right-wing publications. After the February Revolution, upon learning of the abdication of Nicholas II, he shot himself.

A.V. Bellegarde about Zubatov:

“Zubatov looked like a typical intellectual. Thin, with long, combed back dark hair, wearing glasses through which a sharp, but seemingly indifferent look to everything around him shone.

Meanwhile, the significance and strength of Zubatov lay, without a doubt, in the fact that he was not a professional bought for money, or a born traitor. This was a man who first sincerely believed in the ideal aspirations of the leaders of the revolutionary movement and revolutionary political parties and then just as sincerely disappointed in them.

He confidently entered into the fight against the revolutionary forces, which, in his opinion, were destroying youth, he selflessly believed that in order to save Russia it was necessary to strengthen the monarchical system for the gradual implementation of reasonable reforms, through which both student youth, workers and peasants would more easily and quickly achieve the satisfaction of their fair demands than with the help of those revolutionary methods that are maliciously instilled in them by unscrupulous leaders of the liberation movement, pursuing their own special goals and mercilessly dooming the best young forces of the people to death.

Having become the head of the security department, Zubatov remained the same incorrigible idealist. This deep, genuine sincerity defined him as a kind of talented, inspired artist in comparison with most figures in the field of political investigation, who, in comparison with him, were often only crude professional artisans. Even during interrogations, he often turned into a preacher of his ideas, and if he managed to subordinate the interrogated to his influence, then this influence was indeed strong. Only in this way did he recruit his secret employees, whom he then protected in every possible way as the people closest to him, and who were truly sincerely devoted to him. In words, he never expressed either his loyal feelings or his devotion to the government. On the contrary, there was always a dissatisfied, demanding note in his words, but Zubatov proved his sincerity and integrity of his nature with his death. By the beginning of the February Revolution, no longer out of work, Zubatov lived modestly on a farm that belonged to him in the Vladimir province, only occasionally coming to Moscow. When they brought him the news that the Emperor had abdicated the throne, he went into the next room and shot himself there. People who are hostile to Zubatov

they say that he committed suicide because he realized that with the abdication of the Emperor the revolution would take on such proportions that he would still be in trouble. Even if so - but doesn’t Zubatov’s act, even in this biased interpretation, confirm the sincerity of his political views and his inherent worldview?”

2. The concept of “Zubatovism”

"Zubatovshchina"- the name accepted in the literature for the system of legal workers' organizations created in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century. Named after the official of the Police Department of the Russian Empire, Sergei Vasilyevich Zubatov, whose main idea was the creation of government-controlled organizations to distract workers from the political struggle. To do this, it is necessary to create educational organizations of workers, put them under police control and direct the labor movement exclusively to the struggle for economic interests. For the first time such organizations appeared at the end of the 19th century in Germany. (S. V. Zubatov. Zubatovshchina // Byloe. - St. Petersburg, 1917. - No. 4. - P. 157-178.)

3. History of “Zubatovism”

Zubatovshchina h consisted of planting pro-government legal workers' organizations, operating under secret police supervision and designed to distract workers from the political struggle against the autocracy, to direct the labor movement towards purely economic demands. “The promise of more or less broad reforms, the real readiness to implement a tiny part of what was promised and the demand for this to abandon the political struggle - this is the essence of Zubatovism,” wrote V.I. Lenin (Poln. sobr. soch., 5th ed., vol. 7, p. 37). Z. arose in a situation where the economic struggle of the proletariat grew into a political one, the workers’ growing consciousness and spontaneous desire to unite, and the growing influence of revolutionary social democracy. This forced the tsarist government, along with intensifying repression, to look for more flexible measures to combat the mass revolutionary movement. The initiator of Z., the head of the Moscow security department S.V. Zubatov, in developing and implementing it, used the ideas of Bernsteinism (See Bernsteinism), legal Marxism (See Legal Marxism) and “Economism”. The first Zubatov organization was created by the secret police in Moscow in May 1901 under the name “Society for Mutual Assistance of Workers in Mechanical Production.” In the summer of 1901, in Minsk and Vilnius, Zubatov’s agents, who had previously been members of the Bund, created the “Jewish Independent Labor Party.” In 1901-1903, Zubatov organizations and groups were founded in St. Petersburg, Kyiv, Kharkov, Yekaterinoslav, Nikolaev, Perm, and organizations of “independents” - in Minsk, Odessa, Vilnius, Grodno, Bobruisk. At meetings of the societies, issues were discussed about the need to achieve higher wages, shorter working hours, etc.; workers were even offered to buy enterprises. The demagogic statements of Z.'s leaders gave rise to the revolutionary press calling it “police socialism.” Representatives of the liberal intelligentsia (I. Kh. Ozerov, A. E. Worms, etc.) were involved in work in the societies. To revive monarchist sentiments, on February 19, 1902, a demonstration of many thousands of workers was organized at the monument to Alexander II. The revolutionary Social Democrats and Iskra waged a merciless struggle against Z. and explained to the workers its provocative nature. Lenin foresaw that Z. would inevitably turn against the government itself and the capitalists, because the legalization of the labor movement leads to “... attracting the attention of even wider and most backward layers of workers to social and political issues...” (ibid., vol. 6, p. 115).

Many strikes started by Zubatov organizations, under the influence of the agitation of revolutionary Social Democrats, turned into political protests. This was especially demonstrated by the General Strike in the South of Russia in 1903. The government abandoned the method of combating the revolutionary movement proposed by Zubatov. Z. turned out to be unacceptable for entrepreneurs. Zubatov's organizations were liquidated in the summer of 1903.

ZUBATOV SERGEY VASILIEVICH - a figure in the Russian political detective.

From the chief officer's children. He studied at the gymnasium in Moscow (1875-1882; did not graduate). Servant in the Moscow Noble Guardianship, telegraphist at Moscow telegraph communication stations (1882-1886). In 1886, he was accused of having connections with na-ro-do-vol-tsa-mi, accepted the proposal of the head of the Moscow guard from-de-le -information about collaboration in the quality of a secret agent, worked among the members of the party “Na- native will.”

With the help of Zubatov, li-k-vi-di-ro-va-ny 3 not-le-gal-ti-graphy, are-sto-van row na-ro-do-free- tsev, including M.R. Gots and I.I. Fon-da-min-sky. In 1888, Zubatov stopped working as a secret agent due to the spread of -in-lu-zio-not-dose-dose is that he is an “oh-ran-ki” co-worker. Since 1889, head of the agent-tour network of the Moscow security department (since 1896, head of the department). In 1894, about the initiative of Zubatov at the Moscow guard-ran-nom from-de-le-nii sfor-mi-ro-van special Le-tu-chiy detachment on-blue-da- tel-nyh agents who monitored the re-vo-lu-tsi-o-ne-ra-mi throughout the country.

Zubatov introduced a systemic re-gi-st-ra-tion and photo-gra-fi-ro-va-nie of are-sto-vans, as well as strict rules -la kon-spi-ra-tion agent-tu-ry. Under his leadership, the arrests of many members of the Moscow “Ra-bo-che-so-yu-za” (1895), li-k-vi -di-ro-va-ny ti-po-graphy na-ro-do-vol-tsev in the village of Lah-ta near St. Petersburg (1896), Russian-Caucasian circle in Moscow (1897), Northern Union of So-tsia-listov-re-vo-lu-tsio-ne-rov and its typography in Tomsk (1901 ), as well as the arrest of members of the 1st Congress of the RSDLP in Minsk (1898).

In 1898, Zubatov came out with his own program of struggle against the Russian revolutionary movement (in the revolutionary environment called “by -Lyceum So-tsia-liz-mom"), under the Moscow State General-Governor Grand Duke Ser-gay Alek-san- Dr-ro-vi-chem and Moscow Ober-po-li-tsey-mei-ste-rom D.F. Tre-po-vym. Zubatov believed that revolutions and the organizations they create are only dangerous to be in alliance with the mass worker who is moving; To break down this connection, in Zubatov’s opinion, political policy should help improve the zhe-nie of the workers and for the law-no-mu ure-gu-li-ro-va-niu of their conflicts with the pre-pri-ni-ma-te-la-mi.

It’s not-about-ho-di-my to create from-ra-le-gal cor-po-ra-tions of work, which should would-be-presented them in-te-re-sy before-pri-ni-ma-te-la-mi, and also on-la-dit among the ra- more and more mutually and informative work. The introduction of secret agents into these or-ga-ni-za-tions should have increased the detection of re-in-lu-tion not-ditch Under the leadership of Zubatov, the Society for Mutual Assistance of Workers in Mechanical Production was created in Moscow ( 1901; similar organizations with the support of Zubatov appeared in other cities), in 1941 schi-well from-me the cre-po-st-no-go right-va pro-ve-de-on the gran-di-oz-naya true-but-under-dan-no-che-skaya ma-ni -fe-sta-tion of work at the memorial to Emperor Aleksandr II (1902).

In order to distract the Jewish population from participating in the revolutionary movement, Zubatov helped the Jewish organization not-for-vi-si-my ra-bo-whose party (1901) and pro-ve-de-nu first in Russia legal-gal-no-go sio-ni-st -th congress (1902, Minsk). In 1901, you came up with the idea of ​​organizing one-hundred “watch-posts” in 14 cities with the most developed revolutionary movement (Zubatov’s proposal formed the basis of the reform of the political -ve-den-noy V.K. Ple-ve in 1902). Since October 1902, Zubatov has been the head of the Special Department of De-par-ta-men-ta for Li-tion. Co-de-st-vo-val arose “So-b-ra-niya of Russian factories-rich-but-for-vo-d workers of St. Petersburg” -bur-ga.”

Against the activities of those created with the support of Zubatov, workers' organizations that entered into conflicts with the previous -pri-ni-ma-te-la-mi, you-stu-pi-with pro-tes-ta-mi Minister of Finance S. Yu. Vit-te and chief-manager- the merchant of the sea-re-pla-va-ni-em and the port-ta-mi Grand Duke Alexander Mi-khai-lo-vich, which served as the reason for - Zubatov's headquarters (1903). Zubatov came to her house from Pleve’s side in the disclosure of state secrets: Zubatov communicated whether ru Union for ma-shi-no-construction and mechanical workers of Odessa G.I. Shae-vi-chu about the given Ple-ve by Emperor Ni-ko-la- I eat II in the ve-le-niy “for God’s sake, the ev-rey-st-va don’t let them go, but the poor-but-let-you-live.”

After his resignation, Zubatov was prohibited from living in the St. Petersburg and Moscow provinces (in 1904, the restrictions were removed You). In 1904, the new Minister of Internal Affairs P.D. Holy Regiment Mirsky invited Zubatov to return to serve in the police, but he refused hall Lived in Vladimir, from 1910 in Moscow. Published in the magazine “Gra-zh-da-nin”, defended the idea of ​​preserving an un-governed mo-narchy . Having learned about the decree of Emperor Nicholas II from the throne and from the Grand Duke Mi-khai-la Aleksand-ro-vi-cha to take power , shot.

Sergey Vasilievich Zubatov(1864-1917) - creator of the political investigation system, initiator of the policy of “police socialism” in Russia, called Zubatovism in literature. Head of the Moscow Security Department (since 1896) and the Special Section of the Police Department (1902-03).

Under the control of Sergei Zubatov, the following were created: “Society for Mutual Assistance of Workers in Mechanical Production”, “Council of Workers of Mechanical Production in Moscow”, “Society for Mutual Assistance of Textile Workers”, “Jewish Independent Party”, etc. After the February Revolution of 1917, he committed suicide.

The history of the revolutionary movement has shown that the forces of the intelligentsia alone are not enough to fight the government, even if they arm themselves with explosives.

Zubatov Sergey Vasilievich

On March 28, 1917, upon learning of the Tsar’s abdication, the head of the Moscow Security Department and the Special Department of the Police Department, Sergei Vasilyevich Zubatov, committed suicide.

Sergei Zubatov is a man of average height and “average”, undistinguished appearance, with smooth, combed-back brown hair, with a small beard, always wearing smoky glasses, “a typical Russian intellectual” both in habits and manners.

Zubatov was a stranger in the world of “blue” generals and state advisers of the gendarmerie department. In his youth, while a student at one of the Moscow gymnasiums, he was associated with the revolutionary circles of the mid-1880s, but very soon he “came to his senses” and, having entered into relations with the security department, began, to use his own later expression, to create a counter-conspiracy under the conspiracy of revolutionaries, that is, to put it more directly and simply, he became a secret police agent. Based on denunciations by Sergei Zubatov, a number of arrests were made. His role was revealed quite soon, and then he openly entered service in the security department.

The working class is a collective of such power that the revolutionaries did not have as a means of combat either during the time of the Decembrists, or during the period of going to the people, or during the moments of mass student uprisings. Being enraged by socialist propaganda and revolutionary agitation towards the destruction of the existing state and social system, this collective could inevitably turn out to be a serious threat to the existing order of things.

Zubatov Sergey Vasilievich

In the matter of police investigation, complete routine reigned at that time: illiterate officials and little interest in their work worked according to the methods that they had learned from their predecessors. Capable, quickly grasping the essence of issues and quickly navigating in a confusing situation, masterful of a pen and the gift of persuasive speech, a good organizer, and most importantly, a person interested in the business of police detectives and loving it, Sergei Zubatov quickly emerged from the midst of the mediocrities surrounding him. Less than ten years later, he became the head of the Moscow security department, in whose hands the matter of political investigation was concentrated in a good half of the empire. He energetically and boldly carries out a number of technical reforms: he introduces photographing of all those arrested, uses fingerprinting, develops and systematizes the business of external surveillance, creating a cadre of good spies for the first time in Russia. Sergei Zubatov was the one who first raised the technique of police investigation in Russia to the level that he achieved in Western Europe. For the Russian political police, these years were the years of real “security reformation.”

But plans of Sergei Zubatov went much further than simply “catching” the revolutionaries. In the years when the mass workers' movement began, he raised the question of fighting the revolution as a political question. ...The strategic task of the government in the fight against the revolutionary movement, in his opinion, should have been to divide the enemy forces - to create a split between the revolutionary intelligentsia, which sets political goals of a republican nature, and the working masses, who go along with the revolutionaries only because the latter contribute to their struggle to improve their financial situation. In accordance with this assessment of the situation, his policy was two-sided: on the one hand, Sergei Zubatov acted as a supporter of the development of legislation on labor protection, often supporting workers in their conflicts with entrepreneurs, if these conflicts were purely economic in nature, and sought permission for workers to create under the auspices of police of legal societies to protect their purely economic interests. And at the same time, on the other hand, he was happy about the growth of extreme revolutionary sentiments among the intelligentsia and even, as far as he could, contributed to the development of such sentiments. “We will challenge you to terror,” he boastfully declared in moments of frankness, “and crush you.” This plan was characterized by a complete lack of understanding of the mechanics of social processes, but Sergei Zubatov was very brave...

While a revolutionary preaches pure socialism, he can be dealt with by repressive measures alone, but when he begins to exploit minor shortcomings of the existing legal order in his favor, repressive measures alone are not enough, and the very ground must be immediately pulled out from under his feet.

Zubatov Sergey Vasilievich

In accordance with these tasks, Sergei Zubatov paid great attention to the development of his “internal agents” in revolutionary organizations. This area of ​​police work was his favorite area. Later, when he was already retired, he said that the “agency issue” was the “holy of holies” of his memories. “For me,” he declared, “relations with agents are the most joyful and sweet memory.” He knew how to recruit such “agents,” he knew how to lead them, protect them from “failures,” and teach them the art of climbing to the highest levels of the revolutionary hierarchy.

To his assistants - young gendarmerie officers and security officials, whom he assigned to the business of relations with secret agents, Sergey Zubatov inspired the same attitude towards these latter. “You, gentlemen, should look at an employee as a beloved woman with whom you are in a secret relationship. Take care of her like the apple of your eye. One careless step and you will disgrace her,” this is how Sergei Zubatov instructed the gendarmerie youth.

Of all the “beloved women” of this peculiar lover, Azef, who arrived from abroad, quickly became the most “beloved”.

Sergei Vasilievich Zubatov - quotes

The history of the revolutionary movement has shown that the forces of the intelligentsia alone are not enough to fight the government, even if they arm themselves with explosives.